下面是范文網(wǎng)小編整理的GRE閱讀提速不同文章各有技巧3篇，以供借鑒。
GRE閱讀提速不同文章各有技巧1
Innovative as it is, Luis Valdez' acto owes much to the theater traditions or(我認(rèn)為應(yīng)為 of，印刷錯(cuò)誤) other periods and regions.
Like early Spanish American religious dramas, secular folk dramas, and the Mexican carpas of a somewhat later period, actos are usually performed outdoors by traveling groups of players or by local theater groups.
The improvised comic satire of the actos is often attributed to Valdez' study of the Italian commedia dell' arte of the sixteenth century, although some critics see it as a direct reflection of the comic and improvisational qualities of the more contemporary and local carpas of Mexican theater.
The Italian influence is likely, whatever Valdez‘ immediate source: the Mexican carpas themselves are said to have originated from the theater pieces of a sixteenth-century Spanish writer inspired by encounters with Italian commedia dell'arte troupes on tour in Spain.
4. Which of the following best describes the author's evaluation of the views of the critics?
(A) Their views, if correct, do not preclude the existence of an Italian influence on the acto.
(B) Their views are unlikely to be correct, given the differences existing between Mexican and Mexican American theater.
(C) Their views concerning the Mexican carpa are essentially correct, but they lack familiarity with the acto.
(D) Their views are probably more correct than the views of those who have attributed the comic and improvisational elements of the acto to earlier sources.
(E) Their views betray a lack of familiarity with the commedia dell'arte.
5. Which of the following, if true, most strengthens the author's argument concerning the debt of the acto to the theater traditions of other periods and regions?
(A) Many popular forms of theater rely heavily on improvisation.
(B) Plays resembling the acto in structure were written in the 1970's by West African playwrights who are interested in dramatizing the richness of their own cultures.
(C) The use of masks has, at one time or another, been characteristic of the theater traditions of almost all cultures, even those most isolated from outside influences.
(D) During a strike, it is common for union members to present musical skits dramatizing the values of solidarity and resistance.
(E) Before 1965 Luis Valdez had attended many performances of traditional Mexican theater groups touring the western United States.
GRE閱讀提速不同文章各有技巧2
GRE考試作為美國研究生入學(xué)考試，由分析性寫作、語文和數(shù)學(xué)組成。在GRE語文的兩大題型中，閱讀無疑是耗時(shí)更多得分難度更高的題型?？忌赩ERBAL部分會(huì)遇到時(shí)間不夠用的情況往往也是因?yàn)镚RE閱讀耗費(fèi)的時(shí)間太多了。
那么如何才能降低閱讀耗時(shí)提升讀題解題速度呢?
GRE語文到底有多少閱讀題?
按照GRE考試的題目類型和分布情況來說，GRE語文每個(gè)部分的有20道題目，其完成時(shí)長為30分鐘，通常會(huì)有10道左右的閱讀題，而這些題目會(huì)根據(jù)給出的文章長短分配，一般長篇閱讀會(huì)包含3-4道題，而短篇閱讀和邏輯閱讀則只會(huì)附帶2-3道題，一般是1道題比較多。
GRE長篇閱讀提速技巧分析
首先，每場GRE考試中，只會(huì)出現(xiàn)一篇長篇閱讀文章，字?jǐn)?shù)在400字以上。也就是說，除非考生在五個(gè)語文 + 數(shù)學(xué)的部分中遭遇到三個(gè)語文二個(gè)數(shù)學(xué)，而不計(jì)分的那個(gè)語文部分又罕見地出現(xiàn)了第二篇長篇閱讀文章，一般來說考生在整場考試中只需要面對一篇長篇閱讀文章。一篇長閱讀會(huì)有四道附屬題目。因此，針對長篇閱讀文章，建議考生把它留到最后解決。建議這樣做的原因有二種：首先，考試中要始終保持思路的流暢和頭腦的清醒是十分重要的，而完成長篇閱讀則很容易讓你的思維變得混亂，從而影響之后的做題;其次，從效率上來說，由于所有題目的分值都完全相同，而做長篇閱讀顯然會(huì)花費(fèi)超過平均1.5分鐘的時(shí)間，因此得分效率是最低的，所以留到最后解決才是上策。
GRE邏輯閱讀如何提升速度?
除了長篇閱讀文章外，閱讀類題型中的邏輯閱讀題也常常會(huì)成為時(shí)間殺手。這類閱讀文章本身長度一般，而且只會(huì)附帶一道題目，但由于其對邏輯思維能力的考察要求，文章本身往往在邏輯上極其復(fù)雜，提問方法也常常千奇百怪，考生需要在對全文都有充分理解的基礎(chǔ)上才能做好題目，可以說難度極高，也常會(huì)花費(fèi)考生們大量的時(shí)間。因此，在面對此類邏輯閱讀題時(shí)，如果考生沒有把握在平均時(shí)間內(nèi)做完，建議也可以留到稍后單獨(dú)解決，或直接通過排除法結(jié)合猜測快速選出可能的答案，畢竟只為了一道題目而浪費(fèi)太多時(shí)間，是十分不劃算的事情。
GRE短篇閱讀也要提升解題速度
短篇閱讀是GRE考試中比較受考生歡迎的一類閱讀題，由于其文章篇幅較短，無論是從閱讀量還是理解要求上都比較低，題目也往往相對簡單，因此考生可以快速而準(zhǔn)確地完成短篇閱讀。當(dāng)然，即使是看似簡單的短篇閱讀，也偶爾會(huì)有難題出沒。但無論如何，還是建議考生們在看到短篇閱讀題時(shí)優(yōu)先解決，快速地積累分?jǐn)?shù)。
GRE閱讀提速不同文章各有技巧3
Food politics in America——Popped
美國的食品政策：砰的出現(xiàn)
Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and Winning). By Marion Nestle.
軟飲料策略：對付軟飲料(然后取得勝利)。作者馬里昂·奈斯特。
MARION NESTLE'S heavyweight polemic against Coca—Cola and PepsiCo comes at an odd moment for the industry. Americans are drinking fewer sugary sodas—in 2012 production was23% below what it had been a decade earlier. Even sales of diet drinks are losing their fizz, as consumers question the merits of artificial sweeteners. From one angle, it would seem that health advocates such as Ms Nestle have won. Yet in America companies still produce 30gallons of regular (not diet) fizzy drinks per person per year. In many countries, particularly developing ones, consumption is on the rise.
軟飲料工業(yè)正處不尷不尬之際，馬里昂?奈斯特對口可口可樂以及百事可樂的抨擊頗具影響力。越來越少的美國人選擇飲用含糖碳酸飲料—與十年前相比，2012年含糖碳酸飲料的生產(chǎn)減少了23%。人們甚至也失去了對膳食飲料的青睞，因?yàn)橄M(fèi)者們對飲料中是否添加人工甜味劑提出了質(zhì)疑。從某個(gè)角度來看，像奈斯特女士這樣的健康倡導(dǎo)者似乎贏得了勝利。然而，美國軟飲料公司每年生產(chǎn)的常規(guī)碳酸飲料(而非膳食飲料)人均多達(dá)30加侖。在許多國家，尤其是發(fā)展中國家，常規(guī)碳酸飲料的消費(fèi)仍呈上漲趨勢。
Ms Nestle, a professor at New York University, is both heartened by recent progress and dissatisfied with it. That is no surprise. Her first book, “Food Politics” (2002), remains a bible for those who bewail the power of food companies. In her new book she attacks the industry's most widely consumed, least healthy product. “Soda Politics”, she says, is a book “to inspire readers to action”. As a rallying cry, it is verbose. When readers learn on page 238 that she will pick up a particular subject in chapter 25, it is with no little dismay that they realize they are only on chapter 17. But what the author wants most is to craft a meticulous guide to the producers' alleged transgressions, and how to stop them.
對于最近取得的進(jìn)展，奈斯特女士，這位紐約大學(xué)的教授頗受鼓舞，但并不滿足于此。這也不足為奇。她的第一本書“糧食政策”依舊被那些哀嘆食品企業(yè)權(quán)勢的人們奉為經(jīng)典。在新書中，奈斯特女士對軟飲料行業(yè)消費(fèi)最廣，最有害健康的產(chǎn)品進(jìn)行了抨擊。《軟飲料策略》這本書旨在激勵(lì)人們采取行動(dòng)，奈斯特說到。然而作為戰(zhàn)斗口號，卻顯得頗為繁冗。讀者們在第238頁了解到奈斯特將在第25章講述一個(gè)特別的主題，卻意識(shí)到自己才看到第17章，但他們并沒有因此而沮喪。作者最想做的是擬定一份詳細(xì)的指南，指出生產(chǎn)商曾經(jīng)的過失，并想方設(shè)法阻止他們的這種行為。
Ms Nestle says she would have no quibbles with sweet fizzy drinks if they were sipped occasionally, as a treat. However, for millions of people in many countries, they are not. In Mexico companies sold 372 cans of fizzy drinks per person in 2012. About half of Americans do not drink them regularly, but those who do are disproportionately poor, less educated, male, Hispanic or black. Ten per cent of Americans down more than four cans a day.
奈斯特說如果人們只是在吃飯招待的時(shí)候偶爾飲用加了甜味劑的碳酸飲料，她不會(huì)提出異議。但實(shí)際上許多國家，成千上萬的人們都在喝這種飲料。2012年，僅墨西哥人均消費(fèi)的碳酸飲料就高達(dá)372罐。大約一半的美國人不會(huì)經(jīng)常性地飲用碳酸飲料，但是那些選擇碳酸飲料的人多半是些窮困潦倒，未接受良好教育的西班牙或者黑人男性。百分之十的美國人平均每天要喝掉至少4罐碳酸飲料。
Drinking a lot of sweet fizzy drinks is plainly unhealthy. Unlike a Big Mac, they have no nutritional value; nor do their calories satisfy hunger. One large study found that for each can added to a person's daily diet, the risk of diabetes jumped by 22%. There are also links between sugar and heart disease, stroke and cancer. Drinking lots of sodas imposes clear costs on individuals, Ms Nestle argues, but it has a broader cost, too. American taxpayers subsidize corn production (and thereby corn syrup) and let the poor use government food vouchers to buy fizzy drinks. More important, taxpayers foot the health bill for those who develop chronic disease.
很顯然，過度飲用碳酸飲料對身體健康是有害的。與巨無霸不同的是，這些碳酸飲料毫無營養(yǎng)價(jià)值，它們產(chǎn)生的熱量也無法抵抗饑餓。一項(xiàng)大型研究表明，如果在日常飲食中加入碳酸飲料，那么人們罹患糖尿病的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)就會(huì)增加22%。心臟病，中風(fēng)以及癌癥與過多的糖分?jǐn)z入不無關(guān)系。奈斯特說，大量飲用碳酸飲料會(huì)增加個(gè)人開支，但實(shí)際上個(gè)人花費(fèi)要遠(yuǎn)大于此。美國的納稅人為玉米生產(chǎn)做出了貢獻(xiàn)(也就是為玉米糖漿的生產(chǎn)做出了貢獻(xiàn))，同時(shí)，他們讓窮人用政府提供的食品券來購買碳酸飲料。更重要的是，納稅人為那些罹患慢性疾病的人支付醫(yī)療帳單。
Encouraging people to drink fewer fizzy drinks, however, is fiendishly difficult. Soda companies spend billions on marketing; it is a tribute to the admen that Coca—Cola is one of the world's best—loved brands, despite selling what is essentially fattening sugar—water. (Think of Coca—Cola's encouragements to “open happiness” and PepsiCo's exuberant spokeswoman, Beyoncé Knowles.) Once people get used to consuming sugary drinks, they are loth to give them up. There is evidence suggesting that sugar is addictive—some laboratory animals prefer sugar to cocaine.
然而，鼓勵(lì)人們盡量少喝碳酸飲料卻出奇的難。碳酸飲料企業(yè)在營銷上花費(fèi)巨資。盡管可口可樂售賣的實(shí)際上是令人增肥的糖水飲料，但可口可樂無疑是世界上最受消費(fèi)者青睞的品牌之一。而這對于廣告人而言，是件可喜可賀的事情。(想想可口可樂頗具鼓動(dòng)性的廣告語“開啟幸?！保偈驴蓸坊盍λ纳涞拇匀吮贪航z·諾利斯。)人們一旦習(xí)慣了消費(fèi)含糖飲料，便很難戒掉。有證據(jù)表明食糖是會(huì)上癮的—與可卡因相比，實(shí)驗(yàn)室的動(dòng)物們更喜歡食糖。
Most interesting, fizzy—drink companies are skilled at swatting away attempts at regulation. Ms. Nestle describes an extraordinarily broad team of allies. That includes obvious friends, such as employees, bottlers and distributors, as well as the restaurants, cinemas, shops and sports stadiums that sell their products. But the companies are also astute philanthropists. When Michael Bloomberg, then mayor of New York, tried to block the use of government vouchers to buy sodas in 2010, the congressional black caucus was among those to lobby against it. The caucus's foundation has received money from both Coke and Pepsi. In 2011 Philadelphia was considering a soda tax. After the soda lobby offered a big donation to the city's children's hospital, the idea fizzled out.
更有趣的是，碳酸飲料企業(yè)對規(guī)避規(guī)范化的嘗試頗有一套。奈斯特將其描述為一個(gè)非比尋常的龐大聯(lián)盟。很顯然，這個(gè)聯(lián)盟包括了這些企業(yè)的盟友們，比如雇員，瓶裝工，經(jīng)銷商，那些出售他們商品的飯店，電影院，商店以及體育場。但這些碳酸飲料企業(yè)同時(shí)也是非常精明的慈善家。2010年，當(dāng)時(shí)的紐約市市長邁克爾?布隆伯格試圖阻止人們用政府代金券購買碳酸飲料，但卻遭到了包括美國國會(huì)黑人同盟在內(nèi)的多數(shù)人的反對。2011年，費(fèi)城考慮是否要征收碳酸飲料稅，但在碳酸飲料游說集團(tuán)出資捐助了一家當(dāng)?shù)氐膬和t(yī)院之后，這項(xiàng)提議未能實(shí)施。
Coca—Cola and PepsiCo do have a few notable adversaries. Mr. Bloomberg, a billionaire, remains their single biggest foe. It is telling that in two rare instances when a soda tax has been passed—in Berkeley, California and in Mexico—it was with the help of cash from Mr. Bloomberg. Drinks companies must also reckon with a small army of health advocates, among which Ms. Nestle is a major—general.
可口可樂和百事可樂確實(shí)有一些頗為出名的對手。布隆伯格，這位億萬富翁是他們最大的對手。據(jù)說在兩個(gè)頗為罕見的通過征收碳酸飲料稅的例子中—一個(gè)是加利福尼亞的伯克利市，另一個(gè)是墨西哥—都是在布隆伯格的資金幫助下通過了碳酸飲料稅法案。飲料公司還得去對付那些以奈斯特為首的健康軍團(tuán)。
With the slow decline of soda in America, she and her allies are advancing. Coca—Cola and PepsiCo are peddling healthier drinks, such as bottled water. However, as they try to face down a long—term threat while maintaining near—term profits, they are still pushing their syrupy fare.
隨著美國人慢慢地拒絕碳酸飲料，奈斯特和她的盟友們正向成功一步步邁進(jìn)?？煽诳蓸泛桶偈驴蓸氛τ谕其N更健康的飲料，如瓶裝水。然而，他們?nèi)耘f努力推動(dòng)碳酸飲料事業(yè)的發(fā)展，試圖在維持短期利潤的同時(shí)，努力克服長期以來的威脅。
Ms Nestle is impatient. To the casual reader, her suggestions can seem extreme. She writes enthusiastically about adorning soda cans with warning labels, such as pictures of a diabetic's foot ulcer. She suggests that parents should teach their children about fizzy drinks by gently boiling down a Coke or a Pepsi into sludge, which sounds rather fun, and asking them to calculate the precise length of grocery shelves bearing sodas, which sounds less so. This zeal threatens to overshadow her stronger points: fizzy drinks offer no nutritional benefit and impose clear costs—on individuals' health and on society.
奈斯特女士可沒那么好的耐心。對于一般的讀者，她給的建議似乎很極端。在書中她強(qiáng)烈建議碳酸飲料瓶上面必須貼有糖尿病患者腳部潰爛諸如此類的警示標(biāo)志。她建議父母們在向孩子們介紹碳酸飲料時(shí)，將可口可樂和百事可樂說成是垃圾，這看上去頗為有趣，并要求孩子們?nèi)ニ闼汶s貨店擺滿碳酸飲料的貨架究竟有多長，這聽上去似乎沒那么好笑了。這份熱情讓斯耐特關(guān)于碳酸飲料的觀點(diǎn)顯得不那么重要了：碳酸飲料沒有任何營養(yǎng)價(jià)值，對個(gè)人的健康沒有好處，而且還增加了社會(huì)的負(fù)擔(dān)。
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